By : mutopai west papua
Senin, 28 Agustus 2017
to respect the rights of others and to discharge one’s own duties.
the justice is not merely a simple human convention, because what is “just” is not determined primarily by law but by the profound identity of the human being. Justice that is translated into behaviour should be based on the will to recognize the other as a person. That means acknowledging the human rights and duties that derive from human dignity. To do justice means to respect the rights of others and to discharge one’s own duties. This requires recognition of mutual rights and the fulfilment of respective duties. In this way sincere recognition is given to reciprocal rights and duties in social relationships. By contrast, peace cannot prevail where human rights are not respected, defended and promoted, where violence is done to man’s inalienable freedoms, where his personality is ignored or degraded, and where discrimination and intolerance occur. Justice is not enough by itself, however. Indeed, justice can even betray itself. The betrayal of justice is manifested when a neighbour is injured, killed, deprived of liberty or stripped of his fundamental human rights in the name of justice. Therefore, justice must be open to a deeper power, which is love. Justice must stem from merciful love. Doing justice to others means demonstrating a love of one’s neighbour, melanesians brotherhood and all the world p therefore we need your help and encourage all people in Papua “to love one another as an expression of our rights
By : mutopai west papua
By : mutopai west papua
Minggu, 27 Agustus 2017
terdokumen h.j.t. biljmer bersama mutopai di paniai 1936
Pada tahun 1939-1958, ia melantik antropolog JV de Bruijn untuk memimpin rakyat Paniai (Ndauwa, Nduga, Migani dan Ekagi). Bruijn ialah seorang ilmuwan (antropolog) namun diberi jabatan Kepala Distrik. Sambil menjalankan roda pemerintahan, Bruijn melakukan berbagai penelitian dibidang antropologi budaya dan pemerintahan di wilayah itu.Hasil dari berbagai penelitian yang dilakukan terhadap pola hidup di enam wilayah adat Papua (Domberai, Bomberai, Saireri, Meepago, Mamta, Laa Pago, dan Ha-Anim) maka, kemudian Belanda tidak bingun ketika menetapkan berbagai program dan kebijakan pembangunan. Sepertinya, ketika Indonesia merebut Irian Barat, murid-murid Indonesia yang pernah belajar di negeri Belanda, berbuat hal yang sama pada Belanda.Van Eechoud juga pernah perintahkan putra-putra cerdas dari Papua yang tergabung dalam Dewan Suku-Suku untuk meneliti nama yang betul-betul menunjukan identitas masyarakat Papua yang berasal dari Sorong sampai merauke. Karena menurutnya, nama Papua berasal dari bahasa Tidore yang mengandung arti Not Integrated atau tidak bergabung dengan anda , Rupanya, raja Tidore tujukan untuk Papua New Guinea sebagai bagian yang tidak tergabung dengan wilayah kekuasaannya. Batasnya ditancap di Tobati yang artinya, batasku.Kemudian, mereka yang ditugaskan Eechoud diantaranya, Frans Kaisipo, Korinus Krey, Yan Waromi dkk mengusulkan nama Irian dari kampung Harapan Jayapura. Nama Irian disosialisasikan di konfrensi Malino, 16 Juli 1946. Dalam pidatonya, Kaisepo mengatakan, Irian mengandung arti Tanah yang disirami sinar pagi yang memanas (Rosihan Anwar dalam manuskrip buku Mapia, 2004). Sayangnya, nama ini divulgalisir oleh kaum Digulis (pro Indonesia) menjadi Ikut Republik Indonesia Anti Nederland (Pigai, 2000:96).Dalam buku Mapia, nama Irian berasal dari bahasa sejumlah suku yang ada di Papua. Irian dalam bahasa Biak, iri artinya tanah, an artinya Panas, jadi Irian artinya tanah yang memanas. Dalam bahasa Serui, iri artinya tanah, an artinya bangsa jadi, Irian dalam bahasa Serui mengandung arti tiang bangsa atau tanah air. Dalam bahasa Merauke, iri artinya ditempatkan, diangkat tinggi dan an artinya bangsa, jadi Irian dalam bahasa Merauke artinya bangsa yang diangkat tinggi, bangsa yang dipuja-puji atau blessed people. Sedangkan kata an yang dipakai dalam bahasa Biak, Serui dan Merauke ditemukan kesamaan kata dari bahasa-bahasa yang ada di wilayah Mee-pago. Ann (Dani/Lani/Ndauwa, Nduga) artinya saya. Suku Mee menambah i menadi ani, artinya saya. Dari semua bahasa dari beberapa suku diatas, Irian disimpulkan mengandung arti, saya ini atau bangsa ini (dibentuk) dari (debu) tanah panas yang tinggi derajatnya dari makhluk hidup lain (karena memiliki akal budi).Pengertian Irian di atas ini, sedikit mirip dengan pernyataan penciptakan yang dikisahkan dalam Kitab Genesis karya Nabi Musa, pasal 1 sampai dengan pasal 8. Dimana, manusia pertama itu diciptakan dengan debu panas, namun kemudian diusir dari taman Firdaus karena mengambil haluan independen. Memahami pasal Kejadian, maka ternyata dua manusia pertama tidak “berdialog” tentang apa yang diperintahkan Allah dengan apa yang dibujuk Setan. Keduanya tanpa timbang-timbang telah dirasuki kebutuhan badaniah, tanpa berpikir sesuatu yang lebih positif.Seandainya, Taman Firdaus itu kemudian hari dinyatakan berada di wilayah Papua, dengan batas Timur Salomon Island, batas Selatan Benua Australia, Batas Barat berada di ujung Timur pulau Sulawesi dan Kepulauan Sumba, apakah yang diusir itu orang Kalimantan, Malasya, Jawa dan Sumatra? Sehingga kemudian hari mereka harus kembali ke negeri asalnya? Jawabannya silakan bertanya kepada pakar Arkeolog, Antropolog dan Geolog. Karena merekalah yang empunya data persebaran ras umat manusia.Lalu, apa kata Soekarno tentang Papua? Dalam buku Quo Vadis Papua karya Freddy Numberi (2014:401), Soekarno mengatakan: “Saya akan jadikan orang Irian, Tuan di tanahnya sendiri, dalam kerangka Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia.”Numberi melanjutkan di paragraf berikut, menjadi TUAN di atas tanah negerinya sendiri, itulah esensi dari janji yang diikarkan oleh Seokarno, sang proklamator Republik Indonesia. Di sini, kita teringat pada sebuah pesan profetis dengan nada, nafas dan jiwanya semakna dengan apa yang pernah dikatakan oleh Pendeta Izaak Samuel Kijne, sang pendidik dan pujangga besar orang Papua asal Belanda.Kijne mengatakan: “Tiada seorang pandai dan berhikmat sekalipun yang dapat memimpin Papua kecuali kelak orang Papua itu sendiri bangkit dan memimpin diri mereka sendiri”.Menurut Numberi di kalimat berikut, pernyataan Kijne ini jelas bukan perkataan seorang tokoh yang tidak mampu mengurus orang Papua, tetapi pernyataan ini lahir dari sebuah pergumulan dan kontemplasi panjang seorang Kijne dalam mendidik dan memahami karakter orang-orang Papua agar mandiri, maju dan berkembang dalam peradaban Injil.Di kalimat berikutnya, Numberi membenarkan pernyataan IS Kijne. Numberi menulis, semakin orang Papua bangkit dan memimpin dirinya sendiri, maka pengetahuan dan pengalaman mereka semakin bertambah serta bermartabat. Begitupun juga dengan kecerdasan, rasa percaya diri dan kepemimpinan. Semakin orang Papua terus membangun dirinya secara mandiri, maka mereka akan terus terasah menjadi arif dan bijaksana, dan akhirnya menjadi “Tuan di atas tanahnya sendiri”. Kata kunci terwujudnya pernyataan Kijne adalah “pendidikan, sebagai jendela dunia” dalam peradaban dunia modern dewasa ini.Presiden Pertama RI Ir Soekarno dan Penggantinya, Soeharto. Menyoal Papua memang rumit dan kompleks tetapi juga menyeluruh. Pemimpin redaksi TVOne dalam Acara Indonesia Lawyer Club membahas soal Papua dalam judul “Gonjang-Ganjing Papua”. Dalam acara itu hadir sejumlah tokoh dan pengalamat Papua. Diantaranya ialah Freddy Numberi, Barnabas Suebu, Theo Wanggai, Michael Manufandu, dll.Ketika giliran Freddy Numberi, sempat diulas pernyataan Soekarno diatas. Kata Numberi, Soekarno pernah berjanji untuk menjadikan orang Papua tuan diatas tanahnya sendiri. Tetapi pendekatan pembangunan yang dibangun selama pemerintahan Orde Baru telah melukai Hati orang Papua. Dari tahun ke tahun, telah dibuat banyak operasi. Mulai dari operasi koteka hingga isu genosida yang sedang gencar di tanah Papua.“Whats wrong”, Numberi bertanya.Menurut Numberi (2014, 398), isu Papua merdeka itu dilahirkan oleh Presiden pertama RI Ir Soekarno. Pada tahun 1948, Soekarno terbitkan Undang-Undang Nomor 22 1948 tentang Provinsi Irian Barat yang berkedudukan sementara di Soasiu Pulau Tidore. Tetapi dengan adanya Trikora pada tanggal 19 Desember 1960, maka Soekarno sendirilah yang menyebut “Negara Papua”. Pernyataan Bung Karno dalam Trikora berbunyi “Bubarkan Negara Boneka Papua Buatan Belanda”. Inilah yang menjadi dasar polemik hingga menelan korban jiwa yang tidak sedikit di tanah Papua.Numberi juga masih mengutip pernyataan Pendeta I.S. Kijne sebelum meninggalkan Papua di pelabuhan Serui, 1958: “Di Tanah ini (Papua) kita dapat memegang kemudi, tetapi bukan kita yang menentukan angin dan arusnya”. Kijne juga pernah mengatakan: “Tiada seorang pandai dan berhikmat sekalipun yang dapat memimpin Papua kecuali kelak orang Papua itu sendiri bangkit dan memimpin diri mereka sendiri:
Foto terdokumen h.j.t. biljmer bersama mutopai di paniai 1936
Kamis, 17 Agustus 2017
The west papua were not allowed by the government to identify themselves as papuans or melanesians,, MUTOPAI WEST PAPUA
themselves as Papuans or Melanesians by: MUTOPAI WEST PAPUA
Papuans were not allowed by the government to identify themselves as Papuans or Melanesians : by: MUTOPAI WEST PAPUA
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Almost any cultural expression by the Papuans has for many years been considered by the Indonesian government to be a manifestation of the separatist movement. Papuans who sang in their local language could be beaten, tortured, detained or even killed by the Indonesian security forces in the name of eradicating separatism. Papuan traditional cultures were also treated as uncivilised and primitive by many Indonesians. The government sought to make Papuans feel ashamed of their traditional ways and to undermine these in the name of modernisation and development – or, more accurately, ‘Indonesianisation’. Papuans were not allowed by the government to identify themselves as Papuans or Melanesians: instead, the government taught the Papuans to call themselves ‘Indonesians from Irian Jaya province’. A significant example of the undermining of Papuan culture is the way that Papuans have been separated from their land. In former days, the Papuans were the owners of the forest under customary adat (traditional law). The forest had both an economic and a religious meaning for the Papuans. It was considered a source of food, a shelter in time of tribal war, and a place to communicate with ancestral spirits. To the Papuans, the meaning of the forest is embodied in their saying: ‘the forest is our mother’. However, under Indonesian rule, Papuans were no longer considered as the owners of ancestral lands. Their lands were
plundered on the pretext of national development, and their forests expropriated and exploited. Companies with their head offices in Jakarta have divided the forests in West Papua among themselves. Government authorities and business people, who are mostly nonPapuans, have become the putative owners of the forests and land (at least for as long as it takes them to extract its resources). The Papuans, the true owners of the land, have become mere guardians of the forests, which are now considered to belong to other people.20 Once a private company has begun its forestry exploitation activity, the Papuans are not allowed to enter into the claimed forest, not even to collect firewood. The interests of most of these private companies are protected and safeguarded by the Indonesian security forces. When the Papuans demand their rights to ownership of the forest, they are accused of being separatists, the label that gives justification to the security forces to use violence against them.21 Many abuses have arisen from a military and police presence aimed at protecting mining firms, forest concessions and timber estates exploiting natural resources. In addition, the illegal logging business is thriving in West Papua. Often this takes place with the protection – and even the direct involvement – of the security forces. Indeed, the military’s extensive business interests are an important factor behind their presence in West Papua. The Papuans are powerless in the face of this collaboration between the government, the military, and the private companies who grab their land. As recognised by the Papuans of the Amungme tribe, ‘by using the label of separatist, and gun-pointing against us, the government, private companies and the Indonesians easily rob our land without consulting us.’
By: MUTOPAI WEST PAPUA
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plundered on the pretext of national development, and their forests expropriated and exploited. Companies with their head offices in Jakarta have divided the forests in West Papua among themselves. Government authorities and business people, who are mostly nonPapuans, have become the putative owners of the forests and land (at least for as long as it takes them to extract its resources). The Papuans, the true owners of the land, have become mere guardians of the forests, which are now considered to belong to other people.20 Once a private company has begun its forestry exploitation activity, the Papuans are not allowed to enter into the claimed forest, not even to collect firewood. The interests of most of these private companies are protected and safeguarded by the Indonesian security forces. When the Papuans demand their rights to ownership of the forest, they are accused of being separatists, the label that gives justification to the security forces to use violence against them.21 Many abuses have arisen from a military and police presence aimed at protecting mining firms, forest concessions and timber estates exploiting natural resources. In addition, the illegal logging business is thriving in West Papua. Often this takes place with the protection – and even the direct involvement – of the security forces. Indeed, the military’s extensive business interests are an important factor behind their presence in West Papua. The Papuans are powerless in the face of this collaboration between the government, the military, and the private companies who grab their land. As recognised by the Papuans of the Amungme tribe, ‘by using the label of separatist, and gun-pointing against us, the government, private companies and the Indonesians easily rob our land without consulting us.’
By: MUTOPAI WEST PAPUA
Senin, 31 Juli 2017
New Guinea: Originating in Spanish, Nova Guinea, given by Spanish sailors named Ortiz De Retez used since 1545. Papua,
New Guinea: Originating in Spanish, Nova Guinea, given by Spanish sailors named Ortiz De Retez used since 1545. Papua,
Numfor which means the land that comes from the sea, also the land belongs to us. After the transfer of sovereignty to Indonesia in 1949, Irian became a very political connotation (Join the Republic of Indonesia Anti-Netherlands). So much in use by separatists or people Pro Republic of Indonesia.
Indigenous Papuans
Basically indigenous Papuans can be divided into 2 (two) groups ie
1: Upland Papua / highland hinterlands, and 2: Lowland and coastal Papua. Very diverse languages are recorded in over 250 local languages. Papuans are dark to black and curly hair. This is typical of the Negro, but the Papuans have European eyes, and are generally hairy and bearded. Together with indigenous Australians (Aborigines) and Negritos of the Philippines. Indigenous Papuans are a type of Eastern Negroid group.
Papuan Traditional and Papuan Culture are touched by Western civilization
First through the Spanish and Portuguese sailors who sailed 7 (seven) Oceans in the 16th century in order to find a shortcut to the center of spice, an international commodity of commerce at that time ie the Indies which is none other than the Indonesian archipelago today. This era recorded that
Spanish Vasco Da Gama found the Strait of Magelang, then
Indigo Ortiz De Retez along the island's north coast in 1545 and due
See the human characteristics of black skin and curly hair
Just like the man he saw in the African hemisphere named Guinea, then
Named island Isla Nova Guinea / New Guinea Island.
Composition and Distribution of Indigenous Papuans
Up to mid-1957 indigenous Papuans or communities
Indigenous Papuans are estimated at 700,000 people, of which only 50% or less
More than 350,000 people are registered. The Europeans are 16,600 souls, 13,000 Indonesians, and 4,000 Chinese.
Now the composition has been much changed to; Original Papua, Outsiders (Foreign
Papua), Europe, which now number 2,233,530 (Census 2000);
And the most densely located in Jayawijaya Regency 417,326 people and Kabupaten
Merauke 318,350 inhabitants.
The Real Reality of Papuans Struggle To Break Away From Indonesian Nation
Nova Guinea (NG-West / Papua) began to develop regularly in the fields of politics,
Economic, social, cultural, security and order, after the Pacific war in World War II (1939-1945). The Dutch isolated this region from the Indies territory since the Proclamation of Indonesian Independence (1945) up to 1962 with the aim of:
Preparing territories and citizens for self-governance, independently of the Netherlands, among the nations of the world (the basis of: the UN Charter on non-self-governing territories). Since the objectives have been established, the Dutch Government has established a Tien Jaren Plan, since 1950 in the fields of politics, economy, social, culture, infrastructure, order, security.
The next phase of development is the Transition Phase Government to UNTEA
(United Nations Temporary Administrations) by running the government
The status quo from August 15, 1962 to May 1, 1963.
After 1 May 1963 NG West renamed West Irian and inside
Governance is governed by DIRIB (Directorate of West Irian, at the Department of the Interior Country). So life goes on and NG-West / West Irian experiences
The transitional development period also with the FUNDWI / Funds United Nations program For Development of West Irian, which is directed to infrastructure (Transportation Sea, and land, ship, Radio-communication and Bus within the city) and People's Economy
By JDF (Joint Development Fund of the Netherlands and UN). This program only Walk the first 5 years.
Based on the long term Development Plan / PJP - 25 Years divided
In the 5 Year Development or PELITA, the Government of Indonesia runs
Wheel of development from 1969 to the Reformation Era in 1999, so it was about 30 years old, but it gave an insignificant progress to the region and its people. In 1988 a comprehensive Irian Jaya1 Development Framework was developed, but unfortunately the framework was never implemented, thus the situation described in 1988 remained similar to current conditions.
If the dianalogkan development with the absorption of culture, then ironically the traditional culture of Papua m
Senin, 24 Juli 2017
Marilah kita melakukannya dengan mata yang tertuju kepada Yesus
Di dalam perjalanan bangsa israel dari Mesir menuju ke Tanah Perjanjian mereka selalu mengalami kebaikan dan mujizat Tuhan yang dinyatakan di depan mereka. Tapi mereka tetap saja dihantui oleh ketakutan karena mata mereka terus tertuju kepada kesukaran di padang gurun dan juga pasukan Firaun yang mengejarnya. Musa pun harus mengingatkan mereka berulang-ulang, "Janganlah takut, berdirilah tetap dan lihatlah keselamatan dari TUHAN, yang akan diberikan-Nya hari ini kepadamu; sebab orang Mesir yang kamu lihat hari ini, tidak akan kamu lihat lagi untuk selama-lamanya. TUHAN akan berperang untuk kamu, dan kamu akan diam saja." (Keluaran 14:13-14). Mesir yang dimaksud adalah kebiasaan buruk kita, atau dosa-dosa kita dimasa lalu yang selalu membuat kita merasa tidak sanggup.
Tidak ada kata terlambat untuk berbenah dan berubah! Mulai hari ini dan seterusnya kuncinya "Marilah kita melakukannya dengan mata yang tertuju kepada Yesus, yang memimpin kita dalam iman," (Ibrani 12:2). terus percaya kepadaNya dengan mengarahkan mata, hati dan pikiran kita hanya kepada Yesus dan bukan kepada masa laku dan kegagalan kita, karena dia tidak pernah meniggalkan kita.
Mengapa kita harus mengarahkan mata, hati dan pikiran kita hanya kepada Tuhan? supaya kita tidak mengalami ketakutan dalam menjalani hidup ini. Namun bila pandangan kita terus tertuju kepada situasi dan kondisi yang ada, bahkan kegagalan kita di masa lalu, kita akan mudah sekali takut. Ingat! Ketakutan adalah musuh dari iman dan merupakan roh yang harus kita kalahkan.
Fokus yang lemah akan membuat pandangan kita kabur untuk menggapai tujuan. Fokus yang tidak jelas akan membuat kita bingung dalam menjalani perlombaan. Fokus yang salah akan mengarahkan kita kepada akhir yang salah. Hari ini marilah kita sama-sama memastikan kembali apakah kita sudah berada pada jalur yang tepat dengan mengarahkan mata kita untuk tertuju kepada Kristus. Paulus dengan tegas berkata "Saudara-saudara, aku sendiri tidak menganggap, bahwa aku telah menangkapnya, tetapi ini yang kulakukan: aku melupakan apa yang telah di belakangku dan mengarahkan diri kepada apa yang di hadapanku, dan berlari-lari kepada tujuan untuk memperoleh hadiah, yaitu panggilan sorgawi dari Allah dalam Kristus Yesus." (Filipi 3:13-14). Inilah bentuk fokus yang harus kita jadikan contoh.
Jangan sampai kita terus terhambat oleh pengalaman dan dosa-dosa masa lalu kita, tetapi fokuslah ke depan kepada Kristus. Seberat apapun masa lalu kita, sudah saatnya untuk kita tinggalkan. Jangan menoleh lagi ke belakang, tapi arahkanlah ke depan. Yesus sendiri berkata "Tetapi Yesus berkata: "Setiap orang yang siap untuk membajak tetapi menoleh ke belakang, tidak layak untuk Kerajaan Allah." (Lukas 9:62).
Tidak ada kata terlambat untuk berbenah dan berubah! Mulai hari ini dan seterusnya kuncinya "Marilah kita melakukannya dengan mata yang tertuju kepada Yesus, yang memimpin kita dalam iman," (Ibrani 12:2). terus percaya kepadaNya dengan mengarahkan mata, hati dan pikiran kita hanya kepada Yesus dan bukan kepada masa laku dan kegagalan kita, karena dia tidak pernah meniggalkan kita.
Mengapa kita harus mengarahkan mata, hati dan pikiran kita hanya kepada Tuhan? supaya kita tidak mengalami ketakutan dalam menjalani hidup ini. Namun bila pandangan kita terus tertuju kepada situasi dan kondisi yang ada, bahkan kegagalan kita di masa lalu, kita akan mudah sekali takut. Ingat! Ketakutan adalah musuh dari iman dan merupakan roh yang harus kita kalahkan.
Fokus yang lemah akan membuat pandangan kita kabur untuk menggapai tujuan. Fokus yang tidak jelas akan membuat kita bingung dalam menjalani perlombaan. Fokus yang salah akan mengarahkan kita kepada akhir yang salah. Hari ini marilah kita sama-sama memastikan kembali apakah kita sudah berada pada jalur yang tepat dengan mengarahkan mata kita untuk tertuju kepada Kristus. Paulus dengan tegas berkata "Saudara-saudara, aku sendiri tidak menganggap, bahwa aku telah menangkapnya, tetapi ini yang kulakukan: aku melupakan apa yang telah di belakangku dan mengarahkan diri kepada apa yang di hadapanku, dan berlari-lari kepada tujuan untuk memperoleh hadiah, yaitu panggilan sorgawi dari Allah dalam Kristus Yesus." (Filipi 3:13-14). Inilah bentuk fokus yang harus kita jadikan contoh.
Jangan sampai kita terus terhambat oleh pengalaman dan dosa-dosa masa lalu kita, tetapi fokuslah ke depan kepada Kristus. Seberat apapun masa lalu kita, sudah saatnya untuk kita tinggalkan. Jangan menoleh lagi ke belakang, tapi arahkanlah ke depan. Yesus sendiri berkata "Tetapi Yesus berkata: "Setiap orang yang siap untuk membajak tetapi menoleh ke belakang, tidak layak untuk Kerajaan Allah." (Lukas 9:62).
Minggu, 16 Juli 2017
HOW THE UN FAILED WEST PAPUA: By MUTOPAI WEST PAPUA
HOW THE UN FAILED WEST PAPUA:
By MUTOPAI WEST PAPUA
But this help came at a price. The UN’s decolonization mandate was often brought in and out of play by its two largest powerbrokers—the United States and the Soviet Union—so they could extend their influence in the post-colonial world. As a result, the UN’s decolonization efforts did not always make the autonomy of colonized peoples its first priority.
West Papuans became one of the first causalities of the UN’s perfidious promise of self-determination. In 1968, under the watch of UN observers and U.S. diplomats, Indonesia was handed control over West Papua when its military hand-picked a fraction of West Papua’s population, and ordered them to vote in favor of Indonesian annexation in the UN-supervised “Act of Free Choice.” A 2004 report by the International Human Rights Clinic at Yale Law School explains that “Indonesian military leaders began making public threats against Papuan leaders… vowing to shoot them on the spot if they did not vote for Indonesian control.” The United States, acting both independently and through the UN, tacitly allowed West Papua’s annexation to ensure Indonesia would not fall to communism.
For West Papua, where instances of state oppression by Indonesian authorities harken back to more overt forms of colonialism, the UN has still failed to support its independence. The world body does not even recognize West Papua as a colonized territory, thus effectively depriving West Papuans of UN resources to fuel their struggle for self-determination.
The result of this omission is calamitous. There is strong evidence of gross human rights violations in Indonesian-held West Papua, yet the UN is has not yet intervened in this territory. The counterterrorism squad, Detachment 88, which was developed in 2003 by funding through the United States government, is accused of being especially violent toward indigenous West Papuans.
By MUTOPAI WEST PAPUA
Decolonization once defined the United Nation’s very existence. When the UN was first conceived in 1945, a third of the world’s population still lived under colonial rule and many of those territories were agitating for autonomy. Under the heat of global anti-imperial movements, colonial territories disintegrated to form independent states, and the UN’s membership doubled in size in just 20 years. In 1960, the UN General Assembly adopted United Nations Resolution 1514, which declared the “necessity of bringing to a speedy and unconditional end colonialism in all its forms and manifestations.” A year later, the Special Committee of Decolonization formed to carry out the UN’s mandate and help colonized nations achieve autonomy.
But this help came at a price. The UN’s decolonization mandate was often brought in and out of play by its two largest powerbrokers—the United States and the Soviet Union—so they could extend their influence in the post-colonial world. As a result, the UN’s decolonization efforts did not always make the autonomy of colonized peoples its first priority.
West Papuans became one of the first causalities of the UN’s perfidious promise of self-determination. In 1968, under the watch of UN observers and U.S. diplomats, Indonesia was handed control over West Papua when its military hand-picked a fraction of West Papua’s population, and ordered them to vote in favor of Indonesian annexation in the UN-supervised “Act of Free Choice.” A 2004 report by the International Human Rights Clinic at Yale Law School explains that “Indonesian military leaders began making public threats against Papuan leaders… vowing to shoot them on the spot if they did not vote for Indonesian control.” The United States, acting both independently and through the UN, tacitly allowed West Papua’s annexation to ensure Indonesia would not fall to communism.
For West Papua, where instances of state oppression by Indonesian authorities harken back to more overt forms of colonialism, the UN has still failed to support its independence. The world body does not even recognize West Papua as a colonized territory, thus effectively depriving West Papuans of UN resources to fuel their struggle for self-determination.
The result of this omission is calamitous. There is strong evidence of gross human rights violations in Indonesian-held West Papua, yet the UN is has not yet intervened in this territory. The counterterrorism squad, Detachment 88, which was developed in 2003 by funding through the United States government, is accused of being especially violent toward indigenous West Papuans.
Rabu, 12 Juli 2017
West Papuans have been suffering from discrimination, killings, torture, intimidation and the destruction of their land
WEST PAPUA: HOW INDONESIAN OCCUPATION AFFECTS THEIR DAILY LIVES.
West Papuans have been suffering from discrimination, killings, torture, intimidation and the destruction of their land for economic purposes. In an article, five witnesses of the ongoing persecution in Western Papua tell their stories. The interviews clearly show the continued aggressions by the Indonesian State against indigenous people in Western Papua. They urge the international community to raise their voice in the international arena to stop human rights violations perpetrated by the Indonesian government.
Below is an article by New Internationalist
How does living under the occupation affect the lives of ordinary West Papuans? Indonesian human rights lawyer Veronica Koman spoke to five current residents of West Papua to hear their stories.
Rosa Moiwend
Rosa Moiwend is an independent researcher on social movements and self-determination, and a political activist. She lives in Jayapura, the largest city in West Papua.
Living in West Papua means there is always something going on which reminds us of the occupation. We see discrimination, racism and violence before our eyes every day. My grandparents experienced the Trikora [the military invasion by Indonesia in 1961]. At that time, my family was living in Ninati village in the south. Most of the family had to flee across the border to Papua New Guinea – only my grandfather stayed behind. Our old village has now been inhabited by other tribes, and we have lost contact with all of the family that crossed the border. That is the biggest personal loss to our family.
Many forms of daily discrimination have become normal in West Papua. The Indonesian occupation is not just about occupying territory, but also about changing our mindsets, how West Papuans see themselves. We are taught false things at school, particularly about our history. It is a kind of mental slavery: Indonesian teachings and doctrines tell us ‘because we are West Papuans, we deserve to be treated unfairly’, and we start unconsciously to accept this.
The manipulation of our identity by the Indonesian government is very dangerous because we are transformed from our core. We really feel like our identities are being transformed to be like the Indonesians. Our standards are being changed to Indonesian standards.
I have experienced this first hand. I used to read the afternoon news at a local TV show. I used to have small dreadlocks. The producer asked me to change my hair. He told me to lose the dreadlocks and straighten my hair so it looked ‘neater’, according to the national TV standard. I argued. ‘Papua Lens’, the name of the show, should have shown how Papua was, but they wanted to change me. They then transferred me to an off-camera role, and I quit. I still have my dreadlocks today.
On 16 March 2006 in Jayapura, everyone who had dreadlocks was arrested and their hair were cut. This continued for a fortnight. During that time, many indigenous people cut their hair. I did not want to do this, so I hid for quite a while and did not go home. It was not just about hair. We have dreadlocks not because we like reggae or Rasta, but as an ideology. Dreadlocks are my identity. A lot of my friends with dreadlocks feel the same. Dreadlocks have become a symbol of resistance and of a free West Papua, a challenge to what we were taught by the Indonesian state.
As a schoolchild, when I saw other people had straight hair, I dreamt of having long and straight hair. We all did. Even our toys referred to other people’s identity. It is the same thing with beauty products. For instance, there is not a powder that matches our skin color at a store.
Fortunately, the resistance is very strong and popular now. There are many t-shirts on which it says, “I am Papua, curly hair and dark skin”, which are getting popular among the youth in many cities. However, as long as the occupation is still happening, the repression of our identity will continue. What we get at school will shape our characters. Therefore, it depends on the parents to teach their children: about who they are their identities as West Papuans. If the parents do not do that, it could be dangerous, because then when West Papua is finally free, the generation taking control would be this colonial-minded generation. We would then have to work hard again to fight our own people. So this liberation movement is not only about physical resistance but also about resisting this mindset.
West Papua will be free; it is only a matter of time. When I was little, we heard our parents whispering when they talked about politics – they had to keep it inside the house. Now, it is more open and we can see it even in mainstream media. That is the result of the collective work of many different people.
Women have always been involved in this movement, but they have often taken different roles from the men. West Papuan men often see these roles as less important or less heroic. This is not true, especially because women do play important leadership roles, and take to the streets actively when there are protests. Mama Yosepha [Yosepha Alomang, winner of the 2001 Goldman Environmental Prize], a villager who did not even attend school, organized women to blockade the airport and the Freeport mine – no men thought of that.
Things are changing now. The movement is more open and advanced; women are taking on more and different roles. This is a national struggle, the responsibility of both men and women. All generations have to work hand in hand.
Hana Yeimo
Hana Yeimo is a sweet-potato farmer in Enarotali, a town in Paniai province, central West Papua. On 8 December 2014, four local teenagers were shot dead by security forces near her home while protesting against the beating of schoolchildren by soldiers the previous day.
I am married and have an 11-year-old child. On a normal day, other than farming, I usually play cards with my friends.
Police and military watch us all the time. Especially the military, who will shoot at us randomly and out of nowhere.
It was around nine in the morning when I heard gunshots coming from the direction of the fields. So I went out to check. The police and the military were shooting at my people. So I stood in between the security forces and my people. The security forces ordered me to go away and said ‘you could get shot’. I shouted back at them that I did not care, just go ahead and shoot me. They shot my people before my eyes. I threw things and almost hit a local official. My relatives told me not to act like that, in order not to be arrested. But I did not care, I just wanted them to go. I screamed at them to let us be free and independent, rather than being shot and killed out of nowhere. I screamed until I lost my voice that day.
On that field, children died because the military shot them. Many others were wounded. I helped the people who were shot into a car. My cousin was also a victim. I know all the other victims. The victims do not want to talk about the case anymore. They are tired of repeating the same story without any result.
Max Binur
Max Binur is an artist and cultural activist living in the northwest port city of Sorong.
I love arts and I am a humanist. My daily activities usually involve discussions with indigenous people in both towns and villages. We talk about the environmental destruction and about how to use local wisdom and culture as weapons against injustice. We paint and make sculptures and other artworks.
I am the founder of Belantara Papua, an organization for empowering indigenous people. We do environmental advocacy, monitoring and investigation with indigenous people who are affected by the presence of palm oil, mining and illegal logging companies. I also support indigenous people to use our culture in our struggle. Demonstrations will not solve the problem anymore and the government is already numb. So I use culture as a fighting tool.
I also empower children in villages who face difficulties in education, and help them to create schools in areas that lack them. We teach them how to build a school, or if that is not possible, how to build an art center. I also encourage them to dance craft and sculpt at the art centers. We are fighting the violence in West Papua through culture.
I first saw the violence of the Indonesian military when I was four years old. I used to live in Biak with my family. My father had been a police officer since the Dutch era. I grew up in a police environment. When I was a small kid, the police hit my head with a rifle butt. It made me gradually realize that state violence is very real. When I was at university in the 1990s, the Free West Papua movement was rising. I took part in big rallies. Finally, when I worked at an NGO in Jayapura, I became very aware of human rights violations. It transformed my perspective and my commitment to work for West Papua and its people.
I am very sure that we will be free, sooner or later. Either my children or I will enjoy such freedom. I am very certain.
Here is what we need from the rest of the world. First, help us publicize the human rights violations in West Papua. Second, pressure the Indonesian government to decrease the military violence in West Papua. Third, call for a replacement for the sham 1969 independence referendum, because that is the root cause of the problem in West Papua. Finally, help us voice our concerns in UN forums.
Filep Karma
Filep Karma is a civil servant in Jayapura.
I work at the office every day. But I usually ask for permission to leave the office when there are demonstrations like the ones organized by KNPB [West Papua National Committee]. People at the office understand my involvement in the movement so they are not surprised any more.
West Papuans are being pushed into dependency on the Indonesian government. The government keeps expanding into West Papua, so more and more West Papuans are being recruited as civil servants. Civil servants are bound by government regulations. But I refuse to obey such regulations, I do not care. Being sacked is the risk I take for my activism. Although according to the UN, everyone has the right to work – so as long as there is no violence in my activism, I should not be sacked.
Repression happens systematically everywhere across West Papua, and is getting worse. For example, we are not allowed to protest. Protest is a human right, but that is not the case in West Papua. Why cannot we raise the West Papuan flag? It should be allowed in a democracy. I am an optimist and am very sure that West Papua will one day be free.
In Biak in 1998, I was part of a peaceful action where we raised the West Papua flag from 2-6 July. The government invited me for negotiation at the parliament building. I refused the invitation; I wanted to be with the people on the ground. We were unarmed, but were rounded up by the police and the military. Instead of just arresting people, the military started shooting. Usually people are shot when they try to run away. I did not run away, I deliberately lay down and some other protesters did the same. The military threw rocks at those of us who were lying down – some of them stood up and were then shot. This was the Biak city massacre of 6 July 1998. The violence spread across the city, there was rape and mutilation of unarmed women and men. I was arrested, convicted and the district court sentenced me to six and half years, but this was later overturned by the president as part of a wider amnesty for political prisoners.
I was arrested again on 1 December 2004. All I did was protest peacefully. I had given a protest notification letter to the police as required by the law. People who raised the Morning Star flag during the protest, including Yusak Pakage, and me were arrested. Comrades held a rally demanding our release but we were ill-treated instead. I was sentenced to 15 years. On 19 December 2015, I was suddenly taken out of jail, without any clear legal procedure.
I think the right strategy is to fight peacefully and build international sympathy. We hope that the rest of the world will call on the UN to oversee an independence referendum for the West Papuan people. It would be even better if the UN acknowledged our right to be independent straight away and admitted that they made a mistake with the 1969 sham referendum. Also, why did they only include voters from inside West Papua? There were West Papuans in the Netherlands and elsewhere at that time. The next independence referendum should give West Papuans everywhere the right to vote.
Elizabeth Ndiwaen
Elizabeth Ndiwaen lives in the city of Merauke, in the southeast of the country, near the Merauke Integrated Food and Energy Estate (MIFEE) – a major Indonesian project including palm-oil plantations and industrial agriculture, which is planned to replace 1.2 million hectares of rainforest.
I am 34 years old. I am married with four children. My eldest daughter is a teacher, my second child just graduated senior high school, my third child is in junior high school, and my youngest is still in kindergarten. I maintain the home, and I sometimes work with the National Human Rights Commission and Pusaka Foundation on environmental and indigenous people’s issues.
Here in Merauke, we really feel the occupation. We are often oppressed, beaten and threatened. On top of that, there are 42 companies including MIFEE operating in Merauke. Every company has its own special-force police and military protecting the company. They often intimidate village people.
Before MIFEE began, we were poor but we were happy living on our own land. We used to enter the forest to look for food when we wanted to eat. However, when MIFEE came, they destroyed our forests. Our life became difficult. All of our rivers are too polluted to use any more. There is no support from the government towards our future.
I wish that MIFEE would stop operating here. We are planning to hold a meeting with people from 14 local regions about MIFEE this August.
West Papua will one day be free. West Papuans talk about this publicly now; we do not want to talk about it secretly any more. To all governments and people out there, I would like to say clearly that we do not want to be oppressed any more. We need justice.
Below is an article by New Internationalist
How does living under the occupation affect the lives of ordinary West Papuans? Indonesian human rights lawyer Veronica Koman spoke to five current residents of West Papua to hear their stories.
Rosa Moiwend
Rosa Moiwend is an independent researcher on social movements and self-determination, and a political activist. She lives in Jayapura, the largest city in West Papua.
Living in West Papua means there is always something going on which reminds us of the occupation. We see discrimination, racism and violence before our eyes every day. My grandparents experienced the Trikora [the military invasion by Indonesia in 1961]. At that time, my family was living in Ninati village in the south. Most of the family had to flee across the border to Papua New Guinea – only my grandfather stayed behind. Our old village has now been inhabited by other tribes, and we have lost contact with all of the family that crossed the border. That is the biggest personal loss to our family.
Many forms of daily discrimination have become normal in West Papua. The Indonesian occupation is not just about occupying territory, but also about changing our mindsets, how West Papuans see themselves. We are taught false things at school, particularly about our history. It is a kind of mental slavery: Indonesian teachings and doctrines tell us ‘because we are West Papuans, we deserve to be treated unfairly’, and we start unconsciously to accept this.
The manipulation of our identity by the Indonesian government is very dangerous because we are transformed from our core. We really feel like our identities are being transformed to be like the Indonesians. Our standards are being changed to Indonesian standards.
I have experienced this first hand. I used to read the afternoon news at a local TV show. I used to have small dreadlocks. The producer asked me to change my hair. He told me to lose the dreadlocks and straighten my hair so it looked ‘neater’, according to the national TV standard. I argued. ‘Papua Lens’, the name of the show, should have shown how Papua was, but they wanted to change me. They then transferred me to an off-camera role, and I quit. I still have my dreadlocks today.
On 16 March 2006 in Jayapura, everyone who had dreadlocks was arrested and their hair were cut. This continued for a fortnight. During that time, many indigenous people cut their hair. I did not want to do this, so I hid for quite a while and did not go home. It was not just about hair. We have dreadlocks not because we like reggae or Rasta, but as an ideology. Dreadlocks are my identity. A lot of my friends with dreadlocks feel the same. Dreadlocks have become a symbol of resistance and of a free West Papua, a challenge to what we were taught by the Indonesian state.
As a schoolchild, when I saw other people had straight hair, I dreamt of having long and straight hair. We all did. Even our toys referred to other people’s identity. It is the same thing with beauty products. For instance, there is not a powder that matches our skin color at a store.
Fortunately, the resistance is very strong and popular now. There are many t-shirts on which it says, “I am Papua, curly hair and dark skin”, which are getting popular among the youth in many cities. However, as long as the occupation is still happening, the repression of our identity will continue. What we get at school will shape our characters. Therefore, it depends on the parents to teach their children: about who they are their identities as West Papuans. If the parents do not do that, it could be dangerous, because then when West Papua is finally free, the generation taking control would be this colonial-minded generation. We would then have to work hard again to fight our own people. So this liberation movement is not only about physical resistance but also about resisting this mindset.
West Papua will be free; it is only a matter of time. When I was little, we heard our parents whispering when they talked about politics – they had to keep it inside the house. Now, it is more open and we can see it even in mainstream media. That is the result of the collective work of many different people.
Women have always been involved in this movement, but they have often taken different roles from the men. West Papuan men often see these roles as less important or less heroic. This is not true, especially because women do play important leadership roles, and take to the streets actively when there are protests. Mama Yosepha [Yosepha Alomang, winner of the 2001 Goldman Environmental Prize], a villager who did not even attend school, organized women to blockade the airport and the Freeport mine – no men thought of that.
Things are changing now. The movement is more open and advanced; women are taking on more and different roles. This is a national struggle, the responsibility of both men and women. All generations have to work hand in hand.
Hana Yeimo
Hana Yeimo is a sweet-potato farmer in Enarotali, a town in Paniai province, central West Papua. On 8 December 2014, four local teenagers were shot dead by security forces near her home while protesting against the beating of schoolchildren by soldiers the previous day.
I am married and have an 11-year-old child. On a normal day, other than farming, I usually play cards with my friends.
Police and military watch us all the time. Especially the military, who will shoot at us randomly and out of nowhere.
It was around nine in the morning when I heard gunshots coming from the direction of the fields. So I went out to check. The police and the military were shooting at my people. So I stood in between the security forces and my people. The security forces ordered me to go away and said ‘you could get shot’. I shouted back at them that I did not care, just go ahead and shoot me. They shot my people before my eyes. I threw things and almost hit a local official. My relatives told me not to act like that, in order not to be arrested. But I did not care, I just wanted them to go. I screamed at them to let us be free and independent, rather than being shot and killed out of nowhere. I screamed until I lost my voice that day.
On that field, children died because the military shot them. Many others were wounded. I helped the people who were shot into a car. My cousin was also a victim. I know all the other victims. The victims do not want to talk about the case anymore. They are tired of repeating the same story without any result.
Max Binur
Max Binur is an artist and cultural activist living in the northwest port city of Sorong.
I love arts and I am a humanist. My daily activities usually involve discussions with indigenous people in both towns and villages. We talk about the environmental destruction and about how to use local wisdom and culture as weapons against injustice. We paint and make sculptures and other artworks.
I am the founder of Belantara Papua, an organization for empowering indigenous people. We do environmental advocacy, monitoring and investigation with indigenous people who are affected by the presence of palm oil, mining and illegal logging companies. I also support indigenous people to use our culture in our struggle. Demonstrations will not solve the problem anymore and the government is already numb. So I use culture as a fighting tool.
I also empower children in villages who face difficulties in education, and help them to create schools in areas that lack them. We teach them how to build a school, or if that is not possible, how to build an art center. I also encourage them to dance craft and sculpt at the art centers. We are fighting the violence in West Papua through culture.
I first saw the violence of the Indonesian military when I was four years old. I used to live in Biak with my family. My father had been a police officer since the Dutch era. I grew up in a police environment. When I was a small kid, the police hit my head with a rifle butt. It made me gradually realize that state violence is very real. When I was at university in the 1990s, the Free West Papua movement was rising. I took part in big rallies. Finally, when I worked at an NGO in Jayapura, I became very aware of human rights violations. It transformed my perspective and my commitment to work for West Papua and its people.
I am very sure that we will be free, sooner or later. Either my children or I will enjoy such freedom. I am very certain.
Here is what we need from the rest of the world. First, help us publicize the human rights violations in West Papua. Second, pressure the Indonesian government to decrease the military violence in West Papua. Third, call for a replacement for the sham 1969 independence referendum, because that is the root cause of the problem in West Papua. Finally, help us voice our concerns in UN forums.
Filep Karma
Filep Karma is a civil servant in Jayapura.
I work at the office every day. But I usually ask for permission to leave the office when there are demonstrations like the ones organized by KNPB [West Papua National Committee]. People at the office understand my involvement in the movement so they are not surprised any more.
West Papuans are being pushed into dependency on the Indonesian government. The government keeps expanding into West Papua, so more and more West Papuans are being recruited as civil servants. Civil servants are bound by government regulations. But I refuse to obey such regulations, I do not care. Being sacked is the risk I take for my activism. Although according to the UN, everyone has the right to work – so as long as there is no violence in my activism, I should not be sacked.
Repression happens systematically everywhere across West Papua, and is getting worse. For example, we are not allowed to protest. Protest is a human right, but that is not the case in West Papua. Why cannot we raise the West Papuan flag? It should be allowed in a democracy. I am an optimist and am very sure that West Papua will one day be free.
In Biak in 1998, I was part of a peaceful action where we raised the West Papua flag from 2-6 July. The government invited me for negotiation at the parliament building. I refused the invitation; I wanted to be with the people on the ground. We were unarmed, but were rounded up by the police and the military. Instead of just arresting people, the military started shooting. Usually people are shot when they try to run away. I did not run away, I deliberately lay down and some other protesters did the same. The military threw rocks at those of us who were lying down – some of them stood up and were then shot. This was the Biak city massacre of 6 July 1998. The violence spread across the city, there was rape and mutilation of unarmed women and men. I was arrested, convicted and the district court sentenced me to six and half years, but this was later overturned by the president as part of a wider amnesty for political prisoners.
I was arrested again on 1 December 2004. All I did was protest peacefully. I had given a protest notification letter to the police as required by the law. People who raised the Morning Star flag during the protest, including Yusak Pakage, and me were arrested. Comrades held a rally demanding our release but we were ill-treated instead. I was sentenced to 15 years. On 19 December 2015, I was suddenly taken out of jail, without any clear legal procedure.
I think the right strategy is to fight peacefully and build international sympathy. We hope that the rest of the world will call on the UN to oversee an independence referendum for the West Papuan people. It would be even better if the UN acknowledged our right to be independent straight away and admitted that they made a mistake with the 1969 sham referendum. Also, why did they only include voters from inside West Papua? There were West Papuans in the Netherlands and elsewhere at that time. The next independence referendum should give West Papuans everywhere the right to vote.
Elizabeth Ndiwaen
Elizabeth Ndiwaen lives in the city of Merauke, in the southeast of the country, near the Merauke Integrated Food and Energy Estate (MIFEE) – a major Indonesian project including palm-oil plantations and industrial agriculture, which is planned to replace 1.2 million hectares of rainforest.
I am 34 years old. I am married with four children. My eldest daughter is a teacher, my second child just graduated senior high school, my third child is in junior high school, and my youngest is still in kindergarten. I maintain the home, and I sometimes work with the National Human Rights Commission and Pusaka Foundation on environmental and indigenous people’s issues.
Here in Merauke, we really feel the occupation. We are often oppressed, beaten and threatened. On top of that, there are 42 companies including MIFEE operating in Merauke. Every company has its own special-force police and military protecting the company. They often intimidate village people.
Before MIFEE began, we were poor but we were happy living on our own land. We used to enter the forest to look for food when we wanted to eat. However, when MIFEE came, they destroyed our forests. Our life became difficult. All of our rivers are too polluted to use any more. There is no support from the government towards our future.
I wish that MIFEE would stop operating here. We are planning to hold a meeting with people from 14 local regions about MIFEE this August.
West Papua will one day be free. West Papuans talk about this publicly now; we do not want to talk about it secretly any more. To all governments and people out there, I would like to say clearly that we do not want to be oppressed any more. We need justice.
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